War crimes prosecutor winds down Yugoslav trials

ICTY's Serge Brammertz recounts international tribunal's lessons for ongoing, future prosecutions

By Rebecca Agule

Published: Thursday, October 8, 2009

Updated: Friday, October 9, 2009

On October 5, Serge Brammertz, Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), joined Professor Alex Whiting and a standing room only audience for a discussion entitled, “International Criminal Justice: Challenges of Investigating and Prosecuting War Crimes.” As a former Professor of Law at the University of Liège, Brammertz clearly felt comfortable in front of the student audience, noting his own appreciation for the interaction between the judicial world and the academic one.

Brammertz’s fluency in four languages served him well as a Belgian federal prosecutor, where he focused on organized crime, terrorism and international humanitarian law. In 2003, Brammertz moved to the International Criminal Court (ICC), where – as a member of the Investigations Division of the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) – he conducted the inaugural investigations of crimes in Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Darfur, Sudan. Following the 2005 assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, the United Nations Secretary General appointed Brammertz to the UN Independent Investigation Commission.

Charged with closing out the ICTY, Brammertz must finish current trials and locate remaining fugitives. Thus far, the ICTY has indicted 161 persons, with seven cases still to be completed. Brammertz enumerated some of the Tribunal’s difficulties, including the balancing of victims’ needs against keeping each case manageable. Recalling how former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević died before the completion of his trial after five years in The Hague War Criminal Prison, Brammertz said, “We must formulate the indictment to represent the magnitude of the crimes, but we must also be able to present it in a reasonable time.”

Speaking of the ICTY, he said that “no one expected it to last for 15, 20 years.”

The recent arrest of Radovan Karadžić, after thirteen years in hiding, highlights many of the challenges facing the ICTY. Brammertz noted the heightened significance of the Karadžić trial, especially as it may be one of the Tribunal’s last important cases. Even with the scope of the indictment still pending, Karadžić has begun contesting the Tribunal’s competency, while attempting to claim immunity from prosecution per an agreement with United States Ambassador Richard Holbrooke. The indictment itself, which charges Karadžić with, among other things, genocide and crimes against humanity stemming from his participation in the Bosnian War, including the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, has also given rise to tensions. With only 300 hours to make its case, the Office of the Prosecutor must make difficult decisions regarding which charges to pursue. The OTP currently refuses to make additional cuts to meet these limits, as Brammertz explained, in doing so, “the case would no longer be representative of the crimes committed.”

Even as the ICTY nears its end, the Chief Prosecutor must maintain pressure to find and arrest the remaining fugitives. “We must wait and see what the future will show us in this regard,” Brammertz said. “We have a tendency to forget what happened 15 years ago, but we must remember how awful the crimes have been that were committed.”

As part of his visit to the US, Brammertz will met with UN officials in New York to discuss the ICTY’s completion strategy. Now set to end in 2012, with appeals lasting through 2013, the Tribunal must maintain the pace of trials, even while facing a 60% downsizing of human resources. In addition, residual mechanisms must be developed to deal with on-going and future issues, such as the remaining fugitives and witness protection. The ICTY aims to send a strong message from the international community that the closure of the Tribunal does not equate to immunity for those not yet charged. A permanent working group, as well as increased engagement with local and regional prosecutions, will likely fill this gap.

“The success of the ICTY depends on how local prosecutors continue,” Brammertz said.

While his presentation focused on the ICTY, Brammertz touched briefly upon other international tribunals and special courts, using each to underline the variety of tests facing the international justice system. He connected each back to the International Criminal Court and other possible regional courts, saying, “The way those challenges are resolved will have direct impact on the future of all tribunals.” Brammertz further compared the ICTY’s resources to those of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which faces many of the same struggles, even while it cannot call on local colleagues to continue prosecutions in the same manner. The reality of limited resources impedes several international courts, including the Special Court for Sierra Leone must continue its case against former Liberian President Charles Taylor despite financial hurdles.

Throughout his discussion, Brammertz connected and distinguished his range of domestic and international experiences. Where national trials may focus on convictions, international tribunals must account for a broader range issues regarding victims, scope and legitimacy. In addition, each system faces different practical problems in terms of political obstacles and prosecutorial decisions, as well as access to crimes scenes, intelligence information and witnesses. To illustrate his point, Brammertz noted that, in the first years of the ICTY, the continued power of Milošević made evidence collection nearly impossible, even while Serbian authorities further complicated investigations by removing bodies from mass graves.

Before opening the floor to questions, Brammertz outlined some of the credibility problems facing the international community. One of the questions has become, he explained, how to establish a more homogeneous system. “We are reinventing the wheel every time,” Brammertz said. Other possible options include the establishment of a standing task force to collect evidence whenever a crisis arises and increased reliance upon the international community. As the ICC can only process a limited number of cases, there can still be support of prosecutions at the local level, even in areas lacking a strong judiciary.

“A more objective system will increase the credibility of these mechanisms,” Brammertz said.

Whiting’s War Crimes Clinical, along with the Human Rights Program and the Bernard Koteen Office of Public Interest Advising (OPIA), hosted the event.

 

Comments

1 comments
Jill Louise Starr
Sat Oct 10 2009 15:43
Irrefutable Proof ICTY Is Corrupt Court/Irrefutable Proof the Hague Court CannotLegitimately Prosecute Karadzic Casehttp://lpcyu.instablogs.com/entry/nato-says-the-hague-tribunal-or-icty-belongs-to-nato-truth-bites-for-te-hague-lately/http://picasaweb.google.com/lpcyusa/ViewMyHagueInternationalCriminalCourtPreparatoryDocumentsFromThe2001UnitedNations#(The Documentary Secret United Nations ICC Meeting Papers Scanned Images)This legal technicality indicates the Hague must dismiss charges against Dr karadzic andothers awaiting trials in the Hague jail; like it or not.Unfortunately for the Signatures Of the Rome Statute United Nations member statesinstituting the ICC & ICTY housed at the Hague, insofar as the, Radovan Karadzic, aswith the other Hague cases awaiting trial there, I personally witnessed these UnitedNations member states openly speaking about trading judicial appointments and verdictsfor financial funding when I attended the 2001 ICC Preparatory Meetings at the UN inManhattan making the iCTY and ICC morally incapable trying Radovan Karazdic andothers.I witnessed with my own eyes and ears when attending the 2001 Preparatory Meetings toestablish an newly emergent International Criminal Court, the exact caliber of criminalcorruption running so very deeply at the Hague, that it was a perfectly viable topic oflegitimate conversation in those meetings I attended to debate trading verdicts ANDjudicial appointments, for monetary funding.Jilly wrote:*The rep from Spain became distraught and when her country’s proposal wasnot taken to well by the chair of the meeting , then Spain argued in a particularly loudand noticably strongly vocal manner, “Spain (my country) strongly believes if wecontribute most financial support to the Hague’s highest court, that ought to give us andother countries feeding it financially MORE direct power over itsdecisions.”((((((((((((((((((((((((( ((((((((((((((((((((((((( Instead of censoring the country representativefrom Spain for even bringing up this unjust, illegal and unfair judicial idea of bribery forinternational judicial verdicts and judicial appointments, all country representativespresent in the meeting that day all treated the Spain proposition as a ”totally legitimatetopic” discussed and debated it between each other for some time. I was quite shocked!The idea was "let's discuss it." "It's a great topic to discuss."Some countries agreed with Spain’s propositions while others did not. The point here is,bribery for judicial verdicts and judicial appointments was treated as a totally legitimatetopic instead of an illegitimate toic which it is in the meeting that Iattended in 2001 that day to establish the ground work for a newly emergentinternational criminal court.))))))))))))))))))))))))))))In particular., since "Spain" was so overtly unafraid in bringing up this topic of tradingfinancial funding the ICC for influence over its future judicial appointments and verdictsin front of every other UN member state present that day at the UN, "Spain" must havealready known by previous experience the topic of bribery was "socially acceptable" forconversation that day. They must have previously spoke about bribing the ICTY and ICCbefore in meetings; this is my take an international sociological honor student.SPAIN's diplomatic gesture of international justice insofar as, Serbia, in all of this is,disgusting morally!SPAIN HAS TAUGHT THE WORLD THE TRUE DEFINITION OF AN"INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT."I remind everyone, when I attended those ICC Preparatory Meetings in 2001, witnessingfirst hand the country plenipotentiary representatives present with me discussing soopenly, trading judicial funding of a new international criminal court, for its directjudicial appointments and judicial verdicts, those same state powers wereconcurrently,those same countries and people were already simultaneously, funding the alreadyestablished ICTY which was issuing at that time, arrest warrants for Bosnian Serbsunder false primary diplomatic pretenses.The ICTY and ICC is just where it should be for once.Cornered and backed into and an international wall, scared like a corned animal (and Ibet it reacts in the same way a rabid cornered animal does too in such circumstances).(ICTY associates) http://picasaweb.google.com/lpcyusa/ViewMyHagueInternationalCriminalCourtPreparatoryDocumentsFromThe2001UnitedNations#(Evidence Agaisnt the ICTY)http://picasaweb.google.com/lpcyusa/DuringTheTrialOfRamushHaradinajIn2006TheHagueWarCrimesTribunalForTheFormerYugoslavi#(Documents: Hague war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has destroyed all material evidence about the monsterous KLA Albanian/KLA organ trade in Kosovo)I believe strongly that ICYU assocaites murdered former Serb President, Slobodan Milosevic, tried to murderme, as well and other Serbs prisoners and presently places , Doctor Radovan Karadzic’slife in direct danger as well as Ratko Mladic’s life in danger should he be brought there.The ICTY...

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